An analysis of a common understanding about race and class across racial ethnic cultural and class b

Angela Oh argued that the national conversation needed to move beyond discussions of racism as solely directed at Blacks. All rights reserved This article has been cited by other articles in PMC.

Historical accounts of other people of color in the United States are cast in the shadows of the Black-White encounter. Government Printing Office; The factor structure of the PHQ-9 was consistent across ethnic groups although there was evidence of differential item functioning for some items.

Such obvious differences in beliefs, values, and practices are not accounted for with the current classification of race and ethnicity.

Although most forms of race-based policies are under attack, a vast structure of bureaucracies, policies, and practices exists within government, academic, and private sectors that relies on discrete racial categories.

In a period when major social policies with respect to race are being challenged and rethought, it is crucial to consider how different meanings of race are shaped by, and in turn help shape, different concepts of racism.

The point of all this is that racial and ethnic categories are often the effects of political interpretation and struggle, and that the categories in turn have political effects.

Such a dire racial landscape raises a number of troubling political questions regarding group interests, the distribution of resources, and the organization of power.

Such a framework of analysis is, however, still tentative, incomplete, and in need of further elaboration and refinement. Elites representing panethnic groups find it advantageous to make political demands backed by the numbers and resources panethnic formations can mobilize.

Under what conditions can we imagine panethnic formations developing, and when are ethnic-specific identities maintained or evoked?

They are also shaped by interaction with prevailing forms of gender and class formation. It remains to be seen how many people will actually identify themselves as members of more than one race.

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This has led, in cities like Oakland and Miami, to conflicts between Blacks and Hispanics over educational programs, minority business opportunities, and political power. Indeed, the question of power cannot be elided in the discussion of multiraciality because power is deeply implicated in racial trends and in construction of racial mean- Page Share Cite Suggested Citation: On the other hand, I do want to suggest that the prevailing Black-White model tends to marginalize, if not ignore, the experiences, needs, and political claims of other racialized groups.

Although the Board members subsequently downplayed their differences, their distinct perspectives continued to provoke debate within academic, policy, and community activist settings regarding the Black-White race paradigm.

As already discussed, results of these studies need to be interpreted with caution and put in the appropriate context of the conceptual limitations of the measurement and definition of race and ethnicity in the United States. In a recent study of perceived group competition in Los Angeles, Bobo and Hutchings found, among other things, that Whites felt least threatened by Blacks and most threatened by Asians, while Asians felt a greater threat from Blacks than Hispanics.

In the first study, Trivedi and Ayanian 2 conducted a cross-sectional analysis of 54, respondents to the California Health Interview Survey to assess the relationship between perceptions of health care discrimination and use of health services. The 3 studies published in this issue of the journal raise interesting points.

Race, Ethnicity, Culture, and Disparities in Health care

In the post-Civil Rights era, some racial minority groups have carved out a degree of power in select urban areas—particularly with respect to administering social services and distributing economic resources.The first step toward such a goal would be to gather standardized information on both class and race on official health data.

Many historical, ideological, and political obstacles stand in the way of understanding that both race and class must be seen as determinants of disparities. - The Issues of Race, Class, and Gender Race, Class and Gender issues are commonly brought up.

Throughout history many groups have been stigmatized not just for their race, but for their sex, and class as well. People of lower class incomes get slandered for where they live and for not having the economical means to purchase most common goods.

The Changing Meaning of Race: The 20th Century has been marked by enormous change in terms of how we define race. geneticists, and physical anthropologists, among others, long ago reached a common understanding that race is not a “scientific” concept rooted in discernible biological differences.

Real issues and debates about race. The last step of the analysis examined whether race/ethnic and gender categories predict class membership, and whether class membership predicts the outcomes of interest.

For example, results show no differences in math scores across racial/ethnic and gender categories within Class 4, the most disadvantaged class, but in all other classes. Stratified analysis by socioeconomic position within racial/ethnic groups may give more meaningful information than comparing differences by race and ethnicity alone.

Future studies on the relationship among race, ethnicity, culture, or acculturation and health outcomes need to go beyond just showing an association between these variables and.

1 - culture has been traditonally been used to describe racial-ethnic groups and nationalities; 2 - culture can also be used to describe other demographic groups (eg religious gruops, social class groups, gender, regions of the country); 3 - culture can be used to describe groups that share common life experiences (eg occupational groups); 4.

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An analysis of a common understanding about race and class across racial ethnic cultural and class b
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